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So what constitutes a santri Muslim in Java? And how are they
differentiated from other Javanese who call themselves Muslim? Originally a santri was simply a student or follower within an
Islamic school called a pesantren (literally, "place of the
santri") headed by a kyai master. The word santri
referred to persons who removed themselves from the secular world in
order to concentrate on devotional activities and mystical matters, and
pesantren were the focus of such
devotion.[4] It was only
later that the word santri was used to describe that particular
class within Javanese society that identified strongly with Islam,
distinct from the more nominal Islam of the abangan and
priyayi. And indeed, santri when used to describe a class
probably had a lot more to do with the influence of Geertz himself on
how Javanese think about themselves. In fact, in common conversation,
the word muslimin[5]
is far more likely to be used to distinguish ‘santri’ Javanese
from other groups within society.
Further complicating this matter is that not all santri are
alike; within this group itself there exists a wide variety of belief
and interpretation of what constitutes ‘Islam’. To some extent this
reflects the variety of belief held by Muslims the world over, and is
generally characterised by a division between ‘traditionalist’ and
‘modernist’ outlooks. It can also be depicted as a division between an
Islam that has been absorbed to become an integral part of a local
culture, and a ‘puritan’ Islam that sees such cultural adaptation as
being contrary to the original aesthetic.
Islam in Java eventually developed into two Islamic traditions that are
apparent today; a Javanese Islam with its syncretic characteristics, and
a ‘puritan’, modernist Islam. The first is an Islam within which is
infused with a complex mix of animist-Hindu-Buddhist beliefs and
concepts, and which is inclined to mysticism. The second is relatively
freer of these syncretic accretions, and is much closer to the dogma of
the defining Arabian
orthodoxy.[6]
Islam did not arrive in Java in its Arabian
form.[7] One of the main
reasons that Islam was able to take root in Java was due to the
particular kind of Islam, Sufism, that emphasised with local traditions
and customs, and was itself quite compatible with the pre-existing and
highly developed Javanese mystical outlook. Islam was thus introduced
with relatively little upheaval into the existing cultural, social and
political structures.[8] In
addition, amongst the Hindu-Buddhist nobility, Sufi Islam offered a
credible mysticism as an alternative or additional source of mystical
power and political
legitimation[9]; Islam could
be integrated into the wider Javanese search for magical
powers.[10]
Because of its mystical outlook, Sufi Islam was more easily incorporated
into the traditional Javanese worldview. Towards the end of the 19th
century the whole of Java could be considered
‘Islamised’,[11] however
the intensity of this process was uneven across the island.
Santri culture was much more concentrated in the trading cities
of the north coast, and in cities more generally rather than the
countryside.[12]
Santri life-styles only really influenced those neighbouring
rural settlements where pesantren had been
established.[13]
With the development of the modernist movement within Islam, starting
with the Wahabie movement in Egypt, and with the increasing number of
Javanese Muslims undertaking the Hajj to Makkah after the opening of the
Suez Canal,[14] came an
increasing awareness that Javanese Islam had absorbed many elements
which could be considered in opposition to the ‘pure’ Islam of Arabia.
Santri’s began to more consciously differentiate themselves from
those holding traditional Javanese outlooks, considering them as
irreconcilable with the teachings or the aesthetic expressed in the
Koran, and thus increasingly polarising the santri from the
abangan. Over the past two decades in particular Javanese
society has undergone a process of Islamisation, moving generally
towards a deeper understanding and commitment to Islam in the modernist
santri style.[15]
This has led to further polarisation of the abangan from the
santri in contemporary
Java.[16]
However, the santri should not be considered as an homogenous
group, as they are themselves polarised along traditionalist/modernist
lines. It is usually difficult to immediately differentiate ‘mystically
inclined’ traditionalist santri from modernist
‘orthodox’[17]
santri. Both may well observe the five pillars of Islam, and
just as importantly, strongly identify themselves as Muslim.
So what is it that differentiates the Javanese santri from the
rest of the population? Essentially, differences can be reduced to
identity. Santri consciously identify themselves as Muslims, and
attempt as far as possible to live in accordance to their own
understanding of Islam, whether this be the traditional syncretic Islam,
the purist Islam of the modernist, or mixtures of both.
In terms of belief, the typical santri would adhere to the basic
tenants of Islam as laid down within Koran, and the Sunnah, which
comprises the Syrah (Mohammed’s life story) and the Hadith
(Mohammed’s saying and customs). The Koran is considered to be the
literal word of God, and thus cannot be doubted in any way. The
Hadith, however, can be the subject of debate and difference of
opinion, and it very often is. Consisting of literally hundreds of
thousands, possibly millions, of separate sayings and customs, and
written or conveyed by numerous authors, the Hadith is a hotbed
of contradiction, dispute, xenophobia and occasionally, downright
weirdness.[18]
In terms of their day-to-day behaviour, the santri closely adhere
to the formal requirements of the religion, the most obvious of which is
solat, the ritual prayer undertaken at specific times five times
a day. More than anything else, it is the conscientious performance of
solat that separates the santri from the abangan.
According to Islamic law solat is wajib ’ain (absolutely
compulsory), gaining merit for performance, and punishment for its
non-performance.[19]
Santri frequently live in areas surrounding mosques called
kauman. Quite apart from a providing a sense of community,
living close to a mosque means that the calls to prayer are clearly
heard to ensure that every solat is performed.
Also wajib ’ain is fasting during the month of Ramadan, the ninth
month of the Islamic lunar calendar. During this month every able
Muslim must abstain from food, drink, sex, immoral acts, and negative
thinking from dawn to sunset. In contrast to solat, many
abangan also follow the fast during this month, though perhaps
not as seriously as their santri cousins. Koentzereningerat
(1985) claims that Agami Jawi (abangan) Muslims who do not
perform solat or give zakat seldom neglect to fast during
the entire month of Ramadan, because it is in accordance with the
indigenous idea of tirakat, of deliberately seeking out hardship
and discomfort for religious
reasons.[20]
The contemporary Javanese santri can aspire to performing the
Hajj, the pilgrimage to the Holy Land, at least once in their lifetime,
usually when they are older. The Indonesian government though the
Ministry of Religion provides highly organised packages to the Holy Land
for reasonable cost.[21]
As a consequence, the high status associated with someone who had
undertaken the Hajj in days past has now diminished considerably. The
honorific title ‘Haji’ is now very rarely used when addressing or
referring to someone verbally, though the abbreviated title ("H.") will
often be used in written forms.
Externally, differences in dress are nearly always apparent in the
contemporary santri. Muslimah in particular stand apart
from non-santri by the wearing of a jilbab (full headdress
covering the head, ears, and neck, leaving only the face visible).
Older muslimah, or for the more ‘liberal’ female santri ,
a less severe kerudung is often substituted, covering only the
head leaving much of the hair, neck and ears still visible. Headdress
is worn whenever the muslimah is outside the house, or whenever
she is in the presence of any males apart from her husband, sons, father
and brothers. (Some muslimah are less strict about this within
their own home.) Muslimah will frequently absent themselves
whenever male guests come to visit, partly due to the reserve that the
muslimah is expected to show, but often also because they do not
want to go to the trouble of wearing their head-dress in order to meet
the guest.
Islam defines an
awrah,[22] or
areas of the body considered ‘private’, for both sexes. The
muslimah must cover all her body, except for her face and
hands.[23] Long,
loose-fitting dresses or slacks are usually worn, though in Java many
muslimah also commonly wear jeans along with a long,
loose-fitting shirt. Basically, the female form must be so covered as
to obscure the shape of the
breasts,[24] hips and
buttocks, so as not to arouse the passions or attention of males. This
concept of the awrah is also extended to female behaviour, with
the muslimah expected to guard (‘cover’) her voice and her
physical movements, and to avoid drawing undue attention to herself.
The Javanese santri male also wears certain types of clothing,
however these are not prescribed by Islam, traditional or otherwise, nor
are they worn all the time. The male awrah is much less
restrictive, between the waist and the thighs, but it is generally
considered more polite to completely cover the body, arms and legs. The
gamis is a type of loose-fitting, long-sleeved, round-collared shirt
worn by santri men, often for formal religious occasions or for
Friday Prayers where it is accompanied with a chequered sarung. The
peci, though not traditionally associated with Javanese Islam,
must nowadays be considered part of male santri dress, although
abangan Muslims also frequently wear
it.[25]
Santri will frequently pepper their speech with expressions of an
Arabic flavour, even (perhaps especially) when communicating with
non-Muslims or abangan. Bismillahirrohmannirrahim (‘In the
name of God the All Merciful’) is an expression used before the
commencement of any task, however large or small. This phrase precedes
every surah within the Koran. The use of this phrase is,
however, not limited to santri Muslims; abangan Muslims
also frequently use it. Tasks such as starting a motorbike, driving a
nail into a wall, sex, speeches, and the slaughtering of meat animals,
will all be preceded with Bismillah… as a remembrance that
everything, every action and every word, should be done for God in the
name of God.
Assalamwallaikum, along with its reply, Wallaikumsalam, is
used when meeting, greeting and farewelling people, and is also
frequently used as a formal opening greeting for
speeches.[26] Strangely,
use of this expression by public officials has declined dramatically
since the fall of General (Ret.) HM Soeharto in May of 1998.
Santri consider any expression of certainty about the future to
be slightly arrogant, and very often use the term Insyaallah
("God willing") to prefix any statement of positive intent or
prediction, or agreement to do something. This expression is also
sometimes used as a polite way of saying ‘no’, or for expressing
ambiguity in answer to a question pertaining to something to be done in
the future. Insyaallah also expresses what some see as a rather
negative fatalism, allowing Muslims to avoid personal
responsibility.[27]
Contemporary santri Islam, in fact modernist Islam in general, is
very much an ‘outward’ religion. The inner dimensions are generally not
stressed, and when they are spoken of it is in terms of a very separate
‘compartment’ of Islam. The modernist aesthetic has had a big impact
upon the more mystically-inclined traditionalist Islam, especially over
the past two decades. Ritual, outward social behaviour, language and
religious identity overshadow the inner dimensions. Sufism and the
tarekat, although acknowledged, are now viewed with either
suspicion or awe. For the vast majority of santri Muslims the
only link to mystical dimensions and practices is at funeral ceremonies,
where dhikir mediation is performed.
Santri Islam in general emphasises ritual, whilst mysticism, in
whatever its form, stresses inner, spiritual, or the vertical axis of
religion. Santri are thus often perceived as emphasising the
material, literal, or the horizontal axis. The mystic aspires to direct
experience with God rather than mere belief or mechanical ritual. Sufi
texts make a distinction between lahir (outer aspects) and
batin (inner aspects), and that the outer meaning of the Koran
concerns the regulation of outward behaviour (lahir), whilst its
inner meaning (batin) concerns the mystical path and the quest
for knowledge about
Allah.[28]
Mysticism and magic have always formed a basis of culture for all
Javanese, irrespective of their professed outlook. Santri
Muslims will often make reference to indigenous beliefs, even whilst at
the same time invoking the superiority of Islamic belief. Many avowedly
modernist Muslims sometimes ascribe matters to Islam that in fact have
their basis within traditional beliefs. At the unconscious level many
Javanese beliefs linger in the minds of the santri ; Nyi Rorol
Kidul, the Goddess of the Southern Sea, can still strike fear into their
hearts, as can the power of Kejawen mystics. Many santri
see no contradiction in consulting a dukun to cure their
ailments, or in believing that guna-guna ("black magic") is often
used in matters concerning love relationships, or that manusia
harimau, people who transform themselves into tigers, inhabit some
villages. Indigenous beliefs may tend to fill some of the spiritual
vacuum left behind by modernist Islam.
Javanese santri Islam is not monochromic; there is great
variability in the way that it is expressed, and in the depth of
commitment and knowledge of its adherants. However indigenous mystical
beliefs persist in the subconscious of all Javanese, and many
traditional practices and ceremonies are still
performed,[29] albeit
only in a formal manner. Javanese society has become increasingly
‘santrified’ over the past few decades, and the modernist expression of
the religion has greatly influenced, outwardly at least, the more
mystically-inclined traditionalist Islam. Despite this apparent
modernity, however, Indonesian Islam needs to be considered on its own
terms, and not just as a branch of Middle Eastern Islam.
Notes
[1] Keith Eames et al (1998),
Social and Religious Trends in Asia Pacific Security,
http://www.acdss.gov.au/acdss/confrnce/1998/98social.htm
[2] Eames et al (1998)
[3] Of course, there is ‘freedom of
religion’ in Indonesia, unfortunately there is no freedom from
religion.
[4] Robert J. Kyle
(1995), Honors thesis ‘Rethinking Javanese Mysticism: A Case Study of
Subud Mysticism’, Dept of Archaeology and Anthropology, Faculty of Arts,
Australian National University, Canberra, 1995,
http://artalpha.anu.edu.au/kylero/RJK_hp/chap1.htm
[5] Or muslimah when referring
to females.
[6] Kyle (1995)
[7] Franz Magnis-Suseno (1997),
Javanese Ethics and World-view: the Javanese Idea of the Good
Life, PT Gramedia, Jakarta: 35
[8] Magnis-Suseno (1997): 35
[9] Kyle (1995)
[10] Magnis-Suseno (1997): 35
[11] Magnis-Suseno (1997): 37
[12] Magnis-Suseno (1997): 38
[13] Magnis-Suseno (1997): 38
[14] Magnis-Suseno (1997): 39
[15] MC Ricklefs (1993), A
History of Modern Indonesia since c.1300, McMillan, London: 308
[16] Some authors take a quite
different view of this, claiming (like Ricklefs: 308) that the divisions
between the aliran are now less clear, and that such terms as
santri and abangan are now anachronisms. I don’t go along
with this view; the recent elections should, I think, be proof enough
that the aliran are alive and well in Javanese society.
[17] I use the word ‘orthodox’ here
to indicate the Arabian rather than the traditionalist Javanese
orthodoxy.
[18] A few
modernist Muslim authors, in all seriousness, go as far to say that the
Hadith should be completely abandoned. See Kassim Ahmad (1986),
Hadith: A Re-Evaluation, Monotheist Productions International,
Tucson
[19] Mohammed Rifa’I
(1976), Risalah Tuntunan Shalat Lengkap, CV Toha Putra, Semarang:
9
[20] Koentzereningerat
(1985), ‘Javanese Religion’ in Javanese Culture, OUP Singapore,
ch 5: 370
[21] This last year
the cost for an ordinary pilgrim was less than Rp20.000.000, covering
air fares, accommodation, food, and guidance. Pilgrims usually stay in
the Holy Land for a total of three months.
[22] Or aurat in Bahasa
Indonesia.
[23] This too, is
subject to wide interpretation. As a side note, in supposedly austere
Malaysia, and also large parts of Malay Sumatra, the arms of Muslim (ie,
Malay) women are nearly always left exposed, due almost certainly to an
issue of language. In Malay, ‘hand’ and ‘arm’ are often not
differentiated, being referred to singularly as ‘tangan’. This
also extends through to Malaysian English, where the word ‘arm’ is
rarely used, and the word ‘hand’ used to mean either the hand, or the
arm, or both.
[24] For most
Javanese women this does not present a great problem.
[25] I think it would be difficult
nowadays to find a non-Muslim wearing a peci, and indeed I personally
know of some Javanese Christians who would not be caught dead in one, so
strong is the Islamic identification. Strangely, I have known several
santri’s who strongly deny the peci’s solely Islamic association,
insisting that anyone can wear one regardless of their religion.
[26] Muslim boutiques in Java sell
"Assalamwallaikum" doorbells. Even Islam has its kitsch.
[27] John Bousfield (1983),
"Islamic Philosophy in Southeast Asia", in MB Hoober ed, Islam in
Southeast Asia, Brill, Leiden: 99
[28] Kyle (1995)
[29] One such example is the
tingkeban ritual marking the passing of six months of pregnancy
that is celebrated by many santri women